Military
Aggression
&
Self-Defense
by
Nile Stanton
Tuesday -
March 28, 2023
On November 21, 1945, in his
opening
statement
before the
International
Military
Tribunal at Nuremberg, Robert Jackson
stated the
U.S. position
on aggression
as follows:
[A]n "aggressor" is generally held to be that
state which is
the first to
commit any of
the following
actions: (1)
Declaration of
war upon
another State;
(2) Invasion
by its armed
forces, with
or without a
declaration
war, of the
territory of
another State;
(3) Attack by
its land,
naval, or air
forces, with
or without a
declaration of
war, on the
territory,
vessels, or
aircraft of
another
State;(4)
Provision of
support to
armed bands
formed in the
territory of
another State,
or refusal,
notwithstanding
the request of
the invaded
State, to take
in its own
territory, all
the measures
in its power
to deprive
those bands of
all assistance
or protection.
He added,
[I]t
is the general
view that no
political,
military,
economic or
other
considerations
shall serve as
an excuse or
justification
for such
actions; but
exercise of
the right of
legitimate
self-defense,
that is to
say,
resistance to
an act of
aggression, or
action to
assist a State
which has been
subjected to
aggression,
shall not
constitute a
war of
aggression.
_______
Aggression in the context
of war refers
to the use of
armed force by
one state
against
another state
without
justification
or
provocation.
It is a
violation of
international
law and can
lead to
significant
political and
social
consequences.
Military
aggression is
arguably the
most serious
of all crimes.
It a crime
against the
peace and
security of
humanity.
The U.N. General
Assembly's
resolution of
December 14,
1974, defining
aggression was
a landmark
achievement in
international
law. What it
did was
establish a
clear and
concise
definition of
aggression.
U.N. Res. 3314 (XXIX) acknowledged that the use of force was only permissible
in
self-defense
or when
authorized by
the Security
Council under
Chapter VII of
the U.N.
Charter and
established
that
aggression was
a crime
against
international
peace and
security.
Further, it
encouraged
States to
cooperate in
preventing and
suppressing
acts of
aggression.
This resolution of the
General
Assembly was
adopted by a
vote of 104-0,
with 11
abstentions,
and has since
been widely
accepted as
the
authoritative
definition of
aggression. It
has been used
to guide the
U.N.'s efforts
to prevent and
respond to
acts of
aggression
around the
world. Indeed,
the UN-backed
Independent
International
Commission of
Inquiry on
Ukraine
released a report on March 16, 2023, specifically referencing
the proviso.
Let's consider,
now, that
self-defense
is the only
just cause for
war that is
formally
recognized in
modern
international
law.
The first questions asked when
states go to
war are also
the easiest to
answer: who
started the
shooting? who
sent troops
across the
border? These
are questions
of fact, not
of judgment,
and if the
answers are
disputed, it
is only
because of the
lies that
governments
tell. The lies
don't, in any
case, detain
us long; the
truth comes
out soon
enough.
Governments
lie so as to
absolve
themselves of
the charge of
aggression.
Michael Walzer, Just and Unjust Wars
(4th ed.,
2006), p.
74.
So
it is that
governments
pretend to act out
of necessity, why
they pretend to
have just cause,
etc., and are only
waging war against
another land as a
last resort. They
do so because
human experience
tells us quite
clearly that wars
are abominable and
do horrific
short-term and
long-term
economic,
physical, and
mental damage.
Therefore, people
who thrust nations
into war for
greedy, selfish,
nonsensical,
political, or
military reasons
other than
absolute necessity
try to avoid
condemnation by
claiming to act in
"self-defense."
Note that the Bush
Administration made
certain claims
before the U.S.
invasion of Iraq
designed to make
it appear that the
attack was a preemptive
attack, as opposed
to a preventive
attack. (Here,
those are words of
art. That is, they
mean something
other than what
they ordinarily
do.)
Here is why this
is important.
A preemptive
war is one
initiated by a
party when there
is a clear and
present danger of
an imminent
attack. It is
legal and
recognized under
both customary and
positive
international law
as a legitimate
form of
anticipatory
self-defense.
States have the
inherent right to
defend themselves
in this manner,
and it is not
deemed an act of
aggression.
Aggression is
always a crime.
A preventive
war, on the
other hand, is one
wherein a state
makes an attack
against another
state when there
is no apparent
threat of imminent
attack but,
rather, is
initiated
allegedly due to
some perceived
potential threat
in the future. A
preventive attack
is
indistinguishable
from aggression
and is a crime. A
nation cannot,
lawfully, simply
say that it feels
that in a year or
two (or five or
ten) another
nation might or
will be a threat
and therefore
initiate an armed
attack.
It appears that
people inside and
outside the Bush
Administration
pushed one view of
the invasion over
another to avoid
accountability in
the form of
criminal
culpability.
_______
My
next essay will
treat Judaism,
Christianity,
Islam, and war.
Look for it here
on Tuesday, April
4th.
___________________________
* Nile
Stanton lives in
southern Spain. He
was a professor for
the University of
Maryland University
College for 20
years, where he
taught U.S. active
duty service members
on U.S. military
bases in Spain,
Italy, Bosnia, and
(mostly) Greece as
well as online to
troops throughout
Europe and Asia. The
course he taught
most often (32
iterations) was the
upper-level
government course
called “Law,
Morality, and War.”
Thereafter, he
taught for the
University of New
England at its
Tangier, Morocco,
campus for two
years, where his
signature course was
“War and Public
Health.” He was born
and raised a Quaker
and tends to examine
the excuses for war
and lack of
diplomacy more
carefully and from a
different
perspective than
many people.
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